By Ian Roberts
In contract and Head Movement, Ian Roberts explores the results of Chomsky's conjecture that head-movement isn't really a part of the slender syntax, the computational approach that relates the lexicon to the interfaces. not like different remedies of the topic that discard the concept that completely, Roberts's monograph keeps the center instinct at the back of head-movement and examines to what volume it may be reformulated and rethought. Roberts argues that the present belief of syntax needs to accommodate a species of head-movement, even if this operation differs a bit of in technical element and in empirical insurance from previous understandings of it. He proposes that head-movement is a part of the slender syntax and that it applies the place the aim of an Agree relation is flawed, in a feeling that he defines.
Roberts argues that the theoretical prestige of head-movement is particularly comparable -- in reality exact in numerous methods -- to that of XP-movement. therefore head-movement, like XP-movement, can be considered as a part of slim syntax precisely to the level that XP-movement may be. If one element of minimalist theorizing is to cast off pointless differences, then Roberts's argument could be visible as putting off the excellence among "heads" and "phrases" relating to inner merge (and for that reason lowering the differences at the moment made among inner and exterior merge).
Linguistic Inquiry Monographs 59
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Additional info for Agreement and Head Movement: Clitics, Incorporation, and Defective Goals
PþF . . [bPþF XPþG [ . . bþF ... As noted above, if phase heads always have speciﬁers by virtue of their Edge Feature, then (12b) may not exist. Accordingly, I will not consider it further here. The other two cases give rise to head movement, but XPpied-piping is also in principle allowed; the two are indistinguishable in (12a), and in (12c) b min and b max are equidistant from the probe. Head movement will be forced if we can guarantee that b min has some special property that b max lacks.
V) (D(P))]] Here the clitic combines with the inﬂected verb under adjacency to give rise to the clitic-verb complex. In French, this complex can move to C, on the standard analysis of subject-clitic inversion (Kayne 1983; Rizzi and Roberts 1989):3 (4) L’as-tu fait? ’ The obvious gap in Matushansky’s account concerns the movement of the clitic to SpecTP. What mechanism causes this? The natural answer is that this is a species of object shift, related to the well-known cases of Scandinavian object shift studied by Holmberg (1986, 1999), Chomsky (2001), Richards (2004), and others.
A further very important point is made by Matushansky: the mechanism for interpretation of structures containing movement is independent of the phrase-stucture status of the moved category. Exactly the same interpretive mechanisms apply to structures in which an XP moves. Raising Bella in Bella dances gives rise to an LF containing a trace of type hei in the position from which Bella raises, the abstract lx A De , forming a predicate with the category containing the trace of Bella and the verb dances, and the raised subject Bella, which then combines with this predicate.
Agreement and Head Movement: Clitics, Incorporation, and Defective Goals by Ian Roberts